Prefatory: During his campaign against Hillary Clinton and in his ongoing use of Hillary Clinton as a rhetorical punching bag, Donald Trump and his minions have often cited many of the things you will read below. This does not mean they aren’t true. They certainly are. True stories that can be verified, after all, are ideal weapons for an opponent. It is important for readers to take this distinction into account. The feud between Clinton and Trump is not a cosmic battle between good and evil, but a falling out among thieves.
I traveled to Haiti 21 times between 1994 and 2006, sometimes for extended periods. The first time in 1994, as a member of 3rd Special Forces Group, I participated in a US invasion and occupation of Haiti.
This was not the first or the last time US troops would occupy Haiti, but it was perhaps the most ambiguous. Due to a confluence of circumstances, the US was obliged to back the return of Jean Bertrand Aristide, the democratically elected and immensely popular President of Haiti who had been deposed in 1991 by a coup orchestrated by the George H. W. Bush administration — the same guy who invaded Panama on false pretenses and used to run the CIA.
It was for this reason — Aristide’s return — that some of the invaders, including myself, were welcomed by a population who had suffered horrific violence and accelerated economic decay for more than three years at the hands of the de facto government run by Raoul Cedras, Phillipe Biamby, and Michel Francois. My Commander-in-Chief in 1994 was President William Clinton.
During that invasion and occupation, Aristide did return on October 15, 1994, but he’d been defanged in a real sense by returning under the wings of the United States Armed Forces. His return, moreover, had been heavily conditioned, and the aim of the US was to use Aristide for cover to implement “structural adjustments” in Haiti — a euphemism for “austerity,” which is a euphemism for private actors expropriating public assets and strip mining the population with low wages and regressive taxation. One of the main private actors in this feeding frenzy, as we will show further down, was (and is) the Bill and Hillary Clinton political syndicate.
In very Clintonian terms, the 1994 US invasion was named “Operation Uphold Democracy.” Nonetheless, the US dictated to Aristide that he could only remain in office until 1996, and that he could not run again, even though he was deposed after serving only one year of his first term. Aristide reorganized, in spite of them, building the Fanmi Lavalas party, and successfully ran for President again in 2000, winning with 92 percent of the vote. His first electoral win in 1990 had garnered a mere 67 percent of the vote. Everything in between only further mobilized his mass movement.
There’s been no paucity of Yankee predators in Haiti over the last century, even though we will focus here on the specific crimes of Bill and Hillary Clinton. No US President has ever long tolerated any form of mass organizing in Haiti. Ever since Woodrow Wilson ordered the bloody occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the US has replaced France as Haiti’s designated bully. That particular occupation was ordered after a popular rebellion resulted in the assassination of dictator Vilbrun Guillaume Sam.
Neither the US nor France has ever forgiven Haiti its original sin, winning independence from “white” powers via a rebellion of slaves in 1804. Understand that Haiti terrified the US and France, both of whom had vast holdings of New World land worked by slaves.
Note that the US press always refers to Haiti in boilerplate: “the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere.” Never as “the first black Republic,” or “the second independent nation in the Americas,” or as “the only nation ever to have won independence through a slave revolt.” This consistent repetition of “the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere” is an oral formula that serves an ideological function — to implicitly reiterate the notion of black deviance that renders black people incapable of self-governance. Haitian social pathology is laid at the feet of Haitians and not at the feet of the great power, which has been the US since 1915, and which is largely responsible for Haitian “social pathology.” This term, “poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere,” also feeds into northern liberal paternalism, expressed as “what a shame, those poor people,” and has resulted in the cancerous invasion of Haiti by “non-governmental organizations” (NGOs) and Yankee jackleg preachers.
Before we conclude our introductory ramp-up, we need to remind readers that, while the Clintons have a special exploitative relation to Haiti, George W. Bush ordered the coup against Aristide in 2004 — the bicentennial of Haitian independence — and Barack Obama returned the murderous Jean Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier to Haiti in 2010 even as he compelled de facto President Jacob Zuma in the same year to prevent Aristide’s return.
Obama was as ruthless in his treatment of Haiti as any white supremacist, and his paladin in the continued US-domination of Haiti was, of course, his Secretary of State — Hillary Clinton. In 2010, there was a 7.0 earthquake that killed over 200,000 Haitians and destroyed more than 100,000 homes, moving 1.5 million Haitians from abject poverty to abject ruin. Obama-Clinton did not send aid. Instead, they sent another military invasion to ensure continuity of US power and protection of US assets. Obama-Clinton surrounded Haiti with the US Navy to capture and forcibly return Haitian refugees, as Hillary Clinton and George W. Bush (!) were chosen by Obama to oversee post-earthquake Haiti’s “reconstruction,” under the auspices of the Interim Haiti Reconstruction Commission, a Clinton syndicate operation that took command of Haiti’s politics and economy after the earthquake.
Black Agenda Report’s Jemima Pierre wrote, “[A]s this proud Black nation struggled to emerged from yet another unthinkable disaster, the Black US president not only forcefully affirmed the theft of the country’s sovereignty, but he established as overseers two of the most effective representatives of white supremacy — Clinton and Bush.”
In the 2010–11 elections, the US compelled the Haitian government to ban Fanmi Lavalas, which resulted in a 20 percent turnout that year and the imposition of Michel Martelly, an old-school Duvalierist, as President, and former aide to Bill Clinton — Garry Conille — as Prime Minister. The Clintons were on hand, naturally, even though the name Clinton is now as reviled in Haiti as Nero was by first century Christians.
Bill and Hillary’s first trip to Haiti was in 1975, when they honeymooned there while Baby Doc murdered, tortured, kidnapped, and stole his way through the “presidency.” Honeymooners back then would have been attended by phalanxes of eager black servants, something the Clintons would also enjoy as Arkansas’ first family where they used prison labor as household servants and groundskeepers. They said that their Haiti honeymoon caused them to “fall in love with Haiti.” Easy to do by the pool in the Hotel Olafsson (ooooh, Hemingway stayed there!) while the natives wait on you hand and foot. (Bill may have shopped for cheap blowjobs while he was there, too — who knows?) Hillary Clinton would later say she wanted to “make Haiti a proving ground for American power.” The Clintons “love” Haiti. The fox “loves” the chickens, too.
Their unpopularity peaked when they inaugurated multiple phony and-or failed initiatives in the wake of the disastrous 2010 earthquake which enriched the Clintons, their friends, and their family through well-paid, do-nothing positions and massive graft. We’ll come back to that. First, though, we need a short review of some main actors.
We have to begin with the US Embassy in Port-au-Prince, which is effectively the government of Haiti. A US Embassy has a chief of station (Ambassador or acting Ambassador), a security section (Marine security guards, contract security, and bodyguards), an economic section (essentially an arm of the US Chamber of Commerce), a military section (liaises with the host nation military), and a “political” section, the latter being codespeak for the CIA station chief and his or her network of thugs, toadies, and rats operating throughout the host nation. It also hosts something called the Agency for International Development (USAID).
USAID administers all “aid” and “development assistance” in the host nation. This patronage positioning makes them enormously influential on the ground, and USAID also coordinates closely with the CIA. It has sometimes been called “the soft arm of imperialism,” because aid is used to gain goodwill with key actors in order to secure their acquiescence to or complicity with US foreign policy. Created under the Kennedy administration, its mission was never really concealed, because the anodyne name itself generally shuts down anyone’s curiosity about it. Kennedy was unequivocal about his twofold goal: fight socialism at all costs and secure a friendly business environment for American interests.
Oddly enough, Kennedy also founded Special Forces, of which I was a member in Haiti in 1994. We, too — meaning SF — often did what was called humanitarian-civic-action missions to gain the hearts and minds : vaccinating, running mobile clinics, delivering babies, treating livestock, and pulling teeth (I was a medic then, okay). Meanwhile our counterparts in the CIA were training and equipping paramilitary death squads. It’s a carrot-and-stick thing.
The Clintons — like those who came before them and those who came after — needed Haitian collaborators to sustain US domination there and to milk Haiti dry. One cannot grasp Haitian politics without attention to its internal class dynamics. There have been two distinct ruling classes in Haiti in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, and these two have been engaged in a decades-long struggle for domination of the political arena.
One fraction of the Haitian ruling class is the “semi-feudal” landowning class, that exploits peasant labor in the countryside in ways reminiscent of sharecropping. These are called the grandons, or in the venacular, macoutes. They were the base for Francois Duvalier (Papa Doc). They are what Zora Neale Hurston called “race men.” They are rural, highly nationalistic, and politically reactionary. The other dominant class is the comprador bourgeoisie, or just compradors. This is the urban business class, traders and entrepreneurs on international markets. Among them are more light-skinned members (color consciousness is still very powerful in Haiti), and the compradors are urban, often educated abroad (in the US, France, and Canada), bilingual or trilingual, and they depend on industrial sweatshop labor, retail, trade deals with foreigners. They are also the link between the rural production by peasants, under the thumb of the grandons, and the rest of the world.
These axes of economic interest — with grandon xenophobia and comprador dependence — accounts for the frequent flare-ups of nationalism among the grandons who have identified their future security with an element of insularity from international economic forces which they rightly fear will displace them. Haitian compradors constitute a ready-made class of colonial surrogates for actors like the Clinton syndicate.
The leader of the grandons, Papa Doc, as an aside, was not an ideal partner for the US, but joined the US in a tense alliance based on his willingness to wipe out the Haitian Communist Party — which he did with a special and deadly earnestness.
The semi-feudal grandons and the compradors are engaged in a never-ending low intensity war against one another for control of the political apparatus; but there is one thing that consistently forces them into a tactical alliance: popular uprisings. Both these parasitic classes are terrified of the general population when it mobilizes. Both welcome American assistance in shutting down popular movements. The original sin of Aristide was massively defeating the hand-picked comprador, Marc Bazin, in the 1990 Presidential election. Bazin would go on to become Prime Minister in the post-coup government.
Many people believe that the US supported Aristide’s return to the Haitian presidency in 1994 because the Clinton administration supported “democracy.” Nothing could be further from the truth. The intelligence summaries we received during his reinstallation were violently anti-Aristide, and the US policies and directives pursued from day one were designed to ensure Aristide’s neutralization as the leader of Haiti. He’d spent three years in talks with the United States trying to gain support for his return, and during that time the United States placed increasing pressure on him, especially by allowing the body count of the Cedras-Biamby-Francois coup government to increase at the expense of Aristide activists from the Lavalas movement he founded. It is unlikely that the G.H.W. Bush administration would have ever put Aristide back into office, but Bill Clinton was a far more subtle and devious actor than this former Director of Central Intelligence.
It needs to be said that over the years, this class rivalry between grandons and compradors has lessened based on their mutual and mutually-increasing dependence on the US (and the UN!) to maintain the struggle against in increasingly volatile population.
[As a personal aside, I was relieved of my position and thrown out of Haiti at the end of 1994, and questioned about “sedition” for offering my team’s support to Lavalas in Northeastern Haiti. I had arrested the former Ambassador to the UN under papa Doc, beaten the shit out of a local FRAPH thug whose crew was menacing locals, and disarmed the de facto government’s police — urban and rural. When I noted that I was supporting Aristide’s people because we had ostensibly come to “restore democracy,” I was called “too pro-Haitian,” whatever the fuck that meant. (I mean, we were in Haiti. Were we supposed to be pro-Dominican or pro-Canadian?)]
The Weird Story of Harlan County
There are factions within the American ruling class as well. During the 1992 election, Bill Clinton excoriated George H. W. Bush for his incarceration of Haitian refugees in the concentration camp at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Playing to his Black audience, whom Clinton would betray in his later policies at every turn, Clinton also pointed quite justifiably to the hypocrisy of allowing white Cubans automatic entry into the US, while indefinitely detaining black Haitians.
The left often misses something about government officials, including the military and the intelligence services, but all of them. In our rhetorical Manichaeism (which mobilizes what someone called “reverse American exceptionalism”) and desire to simplify, we massively overestimate the intelligence, capabilities, insight, and practical sense of government agencies like the CIA, as a favorite example. These people seldom have a clue and manage to bull their way through blunders by dint of plain power. The military, as my favorite example, is a black hole of incompetence that draws in all the matter and energy from around it. The record of the CIA, likewise, is a dark comedy of blunders worthy of a Coen Brothers film. This kind of overestimation feeds conspiracy theories, which are a problem, but is also associated with a form of simple mindedness on the left that puts a minus beside anything the US does and a plus beside any nation who opposes it.
The coup of a year earlier was proceeding apace with its slaughter of Aristide loyalists and grassroots organizers, and CIA complicity in the coup was becoming gradually more visible with a leak here and a whisper there. Then the economy tanked after George H. W. Bush had made his famed “read my lips” remark, and Bill Clinton was elected.
Faced with the reality of Haiti’s desperation and the volume of refugees fleeing the Cedras-Biamby-Francois regime, and faced with the reality of Florida politics and the possibility of 100,000 or more penniless people crashing onto its shores, Bill Clinton’s first foreign policy embarrassment was being forced by his circumstances to treat the Haitians even more harshly than the Bush regime had.
My own unit in 1993 was ordered to prepare for the invasion of Haiti to re-install a reined-in Aristide, but the debacle in Somalia (in which I also participated) had put the whole plan on hold for a year.
While Haitians had originally elected Aristide because of his opposition to predatory neoliberal policies, Clinton twisted Aristide’s arm to support some of those same policies in order to stop the killing. Clinton knew very well that a US invasion would not be accepted by the people of Haiti without Aristide — their first democratically elected President , whom they now saw as their true leader and the symbol of their aspiration for authentic independence.
Aristide was to be re-installed on October 30, 1993, according to an agreement between Cedras and Clinton called the Governor’s Island Accords. The USS Harlan County, carrying the military and State Department facilitators, arrived in Port-au-Prince on October 11th. But the officials who were designated to meet the craft had been replaced by a handful of FRAPH thugs(some of them drunk) waving pistols and threatening to fire on anyone who disembarked. FRAPH was the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti — a right-wing organization whose main activities were conducted by death squads.
So the USS Harlan County, an American warship dispatched by Clinton, was turned about and sent home by a band of intoxicated bullies with Colt.45s. This was a tremendous foreign policy embarrassment for President Bill Clinton, who was at a loss to explain the situation to the public.
This bizarre incident was rendered even more fantastic by the nonchalant presence of the American John Kambourian — the CIA station chief — on the docks, unafraid and unthreatened by the ostensible anti-American gang. Kambourian was leaning on his vehicle with a kind of Delphic smirk throughout this whole weird interlude. Documentary film maker Katherine Kean was on hand and secretly videotaped him.
Kambourian had been sitting in the car with UN representative Vickie Huddleston, and the FRAPHists made a kind of show of banging on the hood and shouting, “Kill whites!” for the cameras. Neither Huddleston nor Kambourian seemed alarmed, nor did Huddleston attempt to leave. It was only later, when they didn’t realize Kean had a running camera, that Kambourian exited the car to catch some air and suppress a smile at the little performance. The FRAPH, after all, were Kambourian’s boys.
George H. W. Bush had deposed Aristide, and his former employees from the CIA were there to teach the upstart Clinton which side buttered his bread.
Present during the 1993 USS Harlan County fiasco was the chief of the FRAPH, Emmanuel “Toto” Constant. Only later would the public learn that Constant was on the CIA payroll before, during, and after the 1991 coup d’etat. Little wonder Kambourian was so comfortable relaxing outside during the Harlan County “riot.” Constant was taken in by the United States and moved to Queens, NY, where he collected Happy Meal toys and spent even happier hours with local cocaine dealers. His threats to expose his CIA relations pressured the US into protecting him from extradition.
Note that in this episode CIA agents were subverting their own Director. There was no indication that R. James Woolsey, the newly appointed DCI was complicit in Kambourian’s fake riot; in fact, it would be surprising if he were. He just hadn’t gotten the bit in the mouth of the Agency yet, and the worst thing a bureaucratic manager can do is admit failure — far more damaging than the failures themselves.
The transparently orchestrated sabotage of Clinton’s Haiti policy was probably the work of Kambourian himself. By and large, back then at least, CIA politics were racist and reactionary, if my own association with them was any indication. I never met the exception. They were certainly nothing like the attractive caricatures we see in the movies. This Republican bias, which included a Jesse Helms-like aversion to both Haiti and Aristide, was prevalent among white officers in the military during the 1994 invasion, and among white Special Operations personnel, too.
Clinton was likely reluctant to call anyone’s bluff on issues related to the CIA, which had just demonstrated how they could front him off before the whole world, similar to the way ICE is defying Biden now. At any rate, Bill prevailed in 1994, and a tethered Aristide returned. (Bush’s idiot son would reverse 1994 in 2004 with his own coup.)
Apart from this bizarre interlude, it’s important to understand who the Clintons actually are.
Bill Clinton is a cheap hustler who became a Rhodes Scholar. He came from my Mom’s home town — Hot Springs, Arkansas. In his campaigns, he said he was from Hope, Arkansas, where his own mother lived for a while, partly because Hope sounds so cool in a political campaign, and partly because Hope is only famous for its very excellent watermelons. Hot Springs, on the other hand, was for years a Southern gambling mecca, developed by the Irish mob, and teeming with every kind of hustle one might imagine. It was a favorite getaway for organized crime figures. Hot Springs is diverse because it is a hustler’s town full of sharks and pilot fish. Drug-addicts, fishermen, con artists, Wiccans, organized criminals, hillbillies, artists, doddering retirees, and militia-types still co-exist there in a kind of slow-motion cultural free-for-all alongside the real players. This may account for Clinton’s chameleon-like capacity to protectively color himself. Arkansas dubbed him “Slick Willie” for reason, and his “wife” was an equally cynical and ambitious former Goldwater Girl with a Yale law degree. Bill can fuck all the teenagers he wants, as long as everyone gets paid.
Clinton’s career pivoted on his management of something erroneously called The Black Vote, that is, he triangulated black voters between their self-preservation, himself, and white Republicans. The Clintons have always worked closely with the US’s black bourgeoisie — who Black Agenda Report’s Marsha Coleman-Adebayo called “negro whisperers.” That’s why Hillary was enraged when a member of that sub-class, Barack Obama, challenged and defeated her in the 2008 Democratic Primary. (Obama still had to bend the knee to the Clinton syndicate by hiring Hillary as his Secretary of State.)
In 1993, Haiti put Clinton on the spot with African America after he’d played the Haiti card in his own campaign against Bush. His desire to paper over Haiti became a priority, leading directly to the 1994 invasion. But let’s back up for a moment, so we can begin at the beginning of what culminates in the Clinton syndicate robbing the dead bodies of 200,000 Haitians in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake.
In 2010, Bill Clinton issued an apology to Haiti for his participation in an agricultural dumping scheme that destroyed Haitian rice producers — rice being Haiti’s main staple food. The Artibonite Valley in Haiti has the capacity to meet Haiti’s food requirements if it were it administered for the needs of the Haitian people. It did largely meet those needs in the 1980s, before the US began pushing subsidized US rice (much grown in the southern half of Bill Clinton’s state, Arkansas) for export to Haiti. Subsidies allow rice to be sold at prices lower than production costs, undercutting local producers. Clinton was instrumental in imposing ag-dumping on Haiti on behalf of the richest “farmers” in southern Arkansas.
When nations threaten to impose tariffs on imported US goods, the US, with the US-dominated IMF backing it, imposes crippling sanctions, forcing governments to choose between their own local food producers and the nation as a whole. This is a common practice by the US around the world, and it is often weaponized in the service of other US objectives. I have never seen any candidate for federal office run on a plank against agricultural dumping, because these subsidies apply in some very key agricultural states — including Michigan where I live now. (The biggest grift in the US right now is corn.)
Clinton’s 2010 bullshit apology was a disingenuous self criticism prefacing the Clinton syndicate’s post-disaster con, because there was an uproar about the entire year’s rice production sitting in warehouses. His “apology” changed nothing about that policy, a policy still operating with a vengeance. The USAID ran the effort to stamp out Haitian food sovereignty and security.
In 1995, the Haiti Information Bureau wrote:
The breaking down of Haiti’s rural economy through the flood of U.S. products, the destruction of the creole pig and other measures are not by hazard. They are part of the same neoliberal vision pushed by the U.S. and the multilateral institutions in all “dependent” countries. By the early 1980s, the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID), had decided Haiti should not grow its own food or develop any national industries. The international division of labor, AID and the other planners and bankers said, called for Haiti to “export manufactur[ing] and process[ed] agricultural products, but with a sharply growing need to import grain.” Through Ronald Reagan’s Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) in 1983, a vast increase in food aid and credit for agroindustries and other programs, during the 80s, experts worked consciously to dismantle the rural economy even though . . . AID knew that would cause increased poverty and “a decline in income and nutritional status.”
I witnessed two food riots in Haiti in 1994. They were unforgettable. Made in America!
Marc Bazin, mentioned above — a World Bank executive and the US picked candidate who Aristide had defeated in 1990 — signed a contract with ERLY Industries in 1992, allowing them to ship 5.5 million tons of US rice into Haiti each month. ERLY Industries was run by Gerald Murphy, one of Ronald Reagan’s old pals, and a long-time contractor with the State Department, who also owned an outfit called Chemonics.
Chemonics [is] one of a myriad of parasitic consulting firms that live off of [US]AID. Founded in 1976, Chemonics had won over US$89 million in AID contracts during the first six months of 1995 alone, and is now bidding heavily for contracts in at least two ministries here (justice and environment). Murphy, a Harvard Business School graduate, said he set up Chemonics because he always wanted a way to do two things: one, have my own CIA; and two, be helpful to people.
Positioned to monopolize the Haitian rice market (it is already the main rice importer by a long shot), to potentially shift other ERLY operations here and now to win lucrative AID contracts which will help it influence or control governmental policy, ERLY is well ahead in the race to get a piece of the Haitian’s agricultural pie.
Disaster & the Misery Merchants
Killing Haiti’s native rice production was just the Clintons first act. In response to the earthquake, the Clintons coordinated the establishment of something called the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC). The IHRC published this boilerplate:
The creation of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission was announced at the international donors conference “Towards a New Future for Haiti” held at the United Nations headquarters on March 31, 2010 and was formally established (approved by Haitian lawmakers) in April 2010.
The Commission will oversee the implementation of the Government of Haiti’s Action Plan for National Recovery and Development, ensuring that international assistance is aligned with the priorities of the Haitian people and their Government, ensuring accountability and transparency.
The Commission is Co-chaired by His Excellency Mr. Jean Max Bellerive, Prime Minister of the Republic of Haiti and His Excellency Mr. William J. Clinton, former President of the United States of America.
Members of the Commission’s governing board include representatives from:
The Haitian government, parliament and judiciary;
Donors including Brazil, Canada, CARICOM, the European Union, France, Inter-American Development Bank, Norway, Spain, United States, Venezuela and the World Bank; and
Haitian labor unions and the private sector.
In addition, representatives from the Diaspora, Haitian and international civil society organizations, and the Organization of American States will participate as non-voting members.
The first official meeting of the Commission’s governing board took place on June 17, 2010, in Port-au-Prince.
Some context: The “Haitian lawmakers” were part of a de facto government, a result of the coup and all subsequent and fraudulent elections. Jean Max Bellerive was a former business partner of Bill Clinton. Hillary Clinton was the Secretary of State at the time, and her Chief of Staff Cheryl Mills actually bunked at the Bellerives home when she was working in Haiti. The OAS is a Cold War holdover that is completely under the thumb of the US for those who don’t know it. The IHRC was set up by the Clinton syndicate to consolidate “relief funds” and supervise their disbursement, meaning these misery merchants took control of $13.3 billion. And let’s not forget, the USAID is responsible for disbursement of aid, and it was under the control of Hillary Clinton’s State Department. So . . . Bill runs IHRC, with his business partner the de facto Prime Minister of Haiti, and Hillary’s agency supervises distribution of the “relief aid.” Neat. Very neat.
Remarkably, the only tangible thing to come out of what turned out to be around $9.9 billion the IHRC received over three years in international aid was a new industrial park for sweatshops in Caracol — a sleepy town near Tru du Nord where I spent a good deal of time in the Northeast. The industrial park cost $300 million, and was supposed to create 100,000 jobs (later downsized to 60,000). In actuality, the park employs around 5,400 people at starvation wages. In 2009, when the reactionary Haitian “Parliament” voted to increase the minimum wage from 36 cents an hour to 60 cents an hour, it was Clinton’s State Department that prevailed on its colonial surrogates to reverse course and leave the minimum at 36 cents.
The park was a gift from the Clintons to Korean corporations, i.e., Sae-A Trading Company, which had gifted $100,000 to the Clinton Foundation earlier. No account was taken of the peasants working the land and no environmental impact studies were conducted. But a “friend of Bill” got some lucrative sweatshops.
Dady Chery, a Haitian-born poet and journalist, wrote:
The farmers in the area had just planted their crops when the bulldozers came, unannounced, to mow down their homes. The industrial park straddles two rivers that feed into Caracol Bay, an area with coral reefs and mangroves that is so beautiful that it had been slated to become a World Heritage Site and park. Caracol was in northern Haiti and nowhere near the earthquake damage! . . . I believe they built that complex for two reasons: first, to force construction of infrastructure, like a new deep-sea port, to accommodate nearby mining; second, to provide cheap Haitian labor to a Friend of Bill: Sae-A Chairman Woong-Ki Kim
But back to the numbers. $300 million in Caracol to wipe out farms for sweatshops. $9.9 billion dollars received.
$9.9 billion would have been enough to give every Haitian man, woman, and child almost a thousand dollars — in many places this is enough to build a decent house. No one knows where the money went after a horde of contractors, consultants, and advisors went through it like locusts; and the Government Accounting Office has refused to audit IHRC. For an eye-opening run-down of the Misery Merchants and their payouts, see the linked article from Haiti Action.
The Clintons had long regarded Haiti as their own little playhouse where they could arrange the furniture and dolls according to their god-play imaginations. They’ve both expressed on more than one occasion their intention to make Haiti a test bed for their own psychotic vision of “modernizing” Haiti. Secretary Clinton stated openly that she wanted to make Haiti (as if it were hers to make) the laboratory “to road-test new approaches to development that could be applied more broadly around the world.” This self-aggrandizing “white man’s burden” paternalism did not prevent the Clintons from seeing Haiti as what Haitian-American lawyer and activist Pascal Robert called “their personal ATM.”
In 2012, Tony Rodham, Hillary Clinton’s sketchy brother, received two gold mining permits from Haiti, though the stink of corruption raised such a public ruckus in Haiti that those permits — which hadn’t been issued for fifty years before this — were eventually “put on hold.”
An intermediate vehicle for the Clinton’s domination and extraction of Haiti would be the Bill, Hillary & Chelsea Clinton Foundation, or more popularly. The Clinton Foundation. Donors to The Clinton Foundation, as we saw above with Sae-A and the Caracol Industrial park, were rewarded handsomely with access to Haiti’s people and resources.
The Clinton Foundation is a money laundering operation disguised as a charity, and it is the waiting room for those who want access to the Clinton syndicate. This came up when Hilary Clinton was seeking Senate confirmation of her appointment as Secretary of State, because among her donors are Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Brunei, Oman, Norway, Taiwan, and the Confederation of Indian Industry. No conflict of interest there, with her running the US State Department. She was given a pass by the Senate, if she would restrict any new nations from contributing while she held the office. All the old ones listed, however, were allowed. Dennis Cheng, the Clinton Foundation’s development director, stepped down in 2015 to become the national finance director for her failed presidential bid.
One donation of $500,000 from Algeria to the Clinton Foundation’s Haiti relief fund was found to have not been vetted by the State Department, in violation of Clinton’s agreement with the administration. The Post noted that the donation “coincided with a spike” in lobbying efforts by Algeria of the State Department regarding their human rights record. (Wikipedia, citing the Washington Post)
Clinton appointed a big donor, Raj Fernando, to the State Department’s International Security Advisory Board even though he was massively under-qualified, then revoked the appointment when the media started to ask questions. During her tenure, the Foundation received millions from seven foreign governments, including one from Algeria that violated the terms of her feeble MOU. That donation was $500,000 . . . for “Haiti Relief.”
Perhaps she was too busy supporting the coup in Honduras to deal with it.
There is much that has been written about this sociopathic power couple, and I’ve only scratched the surface of this story, but I wanted to put it out there for you, dear readers, because I do indeed love the world’s first black nation, and I want people to know what these two parasites have done to her.